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From our point of view, it is appropriate
to think of the language and literature of
Anglo-Saxon England as "Old English," because
the language is the remote ancestor of the
English spoken today. Yet for the inhabitants
of Anglo-Saxon England, the language was, of
course, not old, and did not come to be referred
to generally as "English" until fairly
late in the period. The earliest reference
given in the Oxford English Dictionary is
890. Bede's Latin Ecclesiastical History
of the English People refers collectively
to the people as gens Anglorum, which
in the vernacular translation becomes angel-cynne (English-race).
However, in Bede's time the England of
today was divided into a number of petty kingdoms. Language,
the Roman Church, and monastic institutions
lent these kingdoms a certain cultural identity,
but a political identity began to emerge only
during the ninth century in response to the
Danish invasions, and through King Alfred's
efforts to revive learning and to make Latin
religious and historical works, such as Bede's History,
available in vernacular translations.
Most of the surviving vernacular poetry of
Anglo-Saxon England consists of free translations
or adaptations of Latin saints' lives and
books of the Bible, such as Genesis, Exodus,
and Daniel. But with the exception of The
Battle of Maldon about the defeat of Earl
Byrhtnoth and his men by Viking raiders and The
Battle of Brunanburh, a poem celebrating
an English victory over the invaders, secular
heroic poetry has little or nothing to do with
England or English people. Beowulf is
set in Scandinavia; its principal characters
are Danes, Geats, Swedes, and there are brief
references to other pagan Germanic tribes such
as the Frisians, Jutes, and Franks.
Certainly
Beowulf is a remarkable survivor,
in the Anglo-Saxon or Old English language,
of a great literary tradition, but one that
is by no means exclusively English. The Norman
Conquest disrupted the literary culture of
Anglo-Saxon England. The practice of alliterative
verse continued until the fifteenth century,
primarily in the north- and southwest corners
of the island. But Beowulf disappeared
from English literature until the manuscript,
already singed by the fire that consumed so
much of Sir Robert Cotton's library, was
first noticed in the eighteenth century and
was not transcribed and published until 1815
by an Icelander, Grímur Jónsson
Thorkelin, at the time Royal Archivist of Denmark,
under the Latin title De Danorum Rebus Gestis:
Poema Danicum Dialecto Anglosaxonica (About
the Deeds of the Danes: a Danish Poem in the
Anglo-Saxon Dialect). Thorkelin believed that
the poem was a Danish epic, its hero a Danish
warrior, and its poet a contemporary witness
of these events who was present at Beowulf's
funeral. Subsequently, German scholars claimed
that the poem had been originally composed
in northern Germany in the homeland of the
Angles, who invaded Britain in the fifth century.
Although we may dismiss these nationalistic
attempts to appropriate the Anglo-Saxon Beowulf for
other national literatures, they do point to
the fact that Beowulf did not begin
to play a role in the history of English literature
before the nineteenth century. Beowulf along
with most other Anglo-Saxon poetry was effectively
lost to Chaucer and the English poets who succeeded
him. They responded primarily to French, Italian,
and classical literature to create an English
literature rivaling these great precursors.
Therefore it is helpful for students, as it
is for scholars, to see Beowulf and
its place in literary history in the context
of early Germanic literature that was little
known before nineteenth-century philologists,
editors, and translators, eager to establish
their native traditions, made the poem available
once more. Beowulf thus became a major
text in a European revival of ancient Germanic
literature, which includes, besides Anglo-Saxon,
works in Old Saxon, Old and Middle High German,
and Old Icelandic. We provide excerpts from
several of these works, which illuminate the
world of Beowulf and its pagan characters
as well as its Christian poet and his original
audience.
Widsith (far-traveler) is the modern
title of a 142-line Anglo-Saxon poem, which
takes its name from the speaker- persona, a
fictional Anglo-Saxon oral poet or scop.
Widsith is a traveling bard who presents a
who's who of Germanic tribal chieftains
and describes his experiences performing at
their courts. Presumably, Widsith's audiences
would have been able to follow his lays even
if they spoke a different Germanic dialect
from the bard's. Moreover, many of the
characters and actions of his songs would probably
have been familiar to them from poetry that
is lost to us.
The close relationship between the language
and literature of Anglo-Saxon England and other
Germanic languages and literatures on the Continent
may be illustrated from our second selection,
a narrative poem based on the Book of Genesis
in Manuscript Junius 11 now in the Bodleian
Library of Oxford University. In 1875 a young
German scholar, Eduard Sievers, realized that
the part of this Anglo-Saxon Genesis dealing
with the Fall of the Angels and the Fall of
Adam and Eve must be a transcription into the
West-Saxon dialect of Old English of a Genesis
poem composed in Old Saxon in the ninth century.
Its existence was known from allusions to it,
but no copies of it were thought to have survived.
Sievers entitled this section of the Junius
Genesis Genesis B to distinguish it
from the rest of the Anglo-Saxon poem, which
became Genesis A. When the copyist of Genesis
A came to the Fall of the Angels, he may
have discovered a gap in his exemplar, which
he then filled in with the story as it was
told in another manuscript available to him.
This manuscript, no longer extant, happened
to be a copy of the Saxon Genesis. Although
the spelling and language of that text would
certainly have looked foreign to the Anglo-Saxon
scribe, he seems to have experienced no great
difficulty understanding and rendering it,
with some cuts and adjustments, word for word
and line by line, although leaving enough clues
as to the original language of the poem for
Sievers to formulate his theory about its origins.
That theory was sensationally confirmed by
the discovery in 1894 of thirty-two leaves
from another manuscript of the Saxon Genesis
bound into the Vatican manuscript Palatinus
Latinus 1447. Internal evidence enabled scholars
to show that those leaves were first copied
at a monastery in the German city of Mainz
during the third quarter of the ninth century.
The fragments of the Saxon poem preserved in
the Junius and Vatican manuscripts overlap
for only twenty-six lines, and, because each
is a copy of older copies, their texts naturally
do not correspond exactly. Nevertheless, those
lines enable one to appreciate the relationship
between Old Saxon and Old English that facilitated
the work of the English adapter. Here are three
lines from the Vatican and Junius manuscripts
juxtaposed with a translation and a few notes.
Adam is lamenting to Eve how their sin has
changed atmospheric conditions:
|
Old Saxon: |
Hu sculun uuit
>> note 1 nu libbian |
|
| Old English: |
hu sculon wit
>> note 2 nu libban |
| |
how shall we two now live |
| Old Saxon: |
efto hu sculun uuit an thesum liahta
uuesan |
| Old English: |
oððe on þis lande
>> note 3 wesan |
| |
or in this land be (exist) |
| Old Saxon: |
nu hier huuilum uuind kumit |
| Old English: |
gif her wind
comth |
| |
now/if here [sometimes] wind comes |
| Old Saxon: |
uuestan efto ostan |
| Old English: |
westan oððe eastan, |
| |
[from] west or east |
| Old Saxon: |
suðan efto nordan |
| Old English: |
suðan oððe norðan? |
| |
[from] south or north |
Thus, although Genesis B is preserved
in Old English, it is not strictly speaking
an Old English poem nor is it a translation.
Rather, as the above example shows, the Anglo-Saxon
scribe has recopied the Old Saxon text — here
and there adding, omitting, or substituting
words — into the standard written form
of tenth-century Anglo-Saxon. This should not
surprise us, for not only are Old English and
Old Saxon related branches of the same language
group but of the same culture — the Christianized
Germanic culture of northern Europe. Indeed,
English missionaries in the eighth century
had been chiefly responsible for the conversion
of the Germans on the Continent, the establishment
of the Roman Church in Germany, and the reform
of the Frankish Church.
>> note 4 English monks, therefore, paved
the way for Charlemagne's attempt in
the ninth century to renew the ancient Roman
Empire as the Holy Roman Empire, and the
intellectual revival called the Carolingian
Renaissance. The Saxon Genesis is a product
of that movement to which the Anglo-Saxon
Church had contributed so much.
From Genesis B we include a dramatic
passage about the Creation, Rebellion, and
Fall of the Angels in which Satan is cast in
the role of epic anti-hero. From a fragment
in the Vatican manuscript we include part of
the story of Cain and Abel.
Much of our knowledge of Germanic mythology
and story, which was suppressed by the Church
in England and on the Continent, survived in
medieval Iceland where a deliberate effort
was made to preserve ancient Germanic verse
forms, mythology, legend, and political and
family histories. Although it dates centuries
after Beowulf, the remarkable corpus
of Icelandic literature from the twelfth through
the thirteenth centuries provides us with analogous
stories and materials that bring us into closer
contact with the kinds of materials from which Beowulf was
fashioned. A selection from the Prose Edda of
Snorri Sturluson (1179–1241) is an analogue
of a tragic inset story of loss in Beowulf,
which gives a keynote for the profound sadness
that pervades the latter part of the poem.
An episode from the fourteenth-century Grettir's
Saga gives us a dark analogue of Beowulf's
fight with Grendel.
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