 |
In
Early Modern England, both gender hierarchy,
with the man at the top, and the husband's
patriarchal role as governor of his family
and household — wife, children, wards,
and servants — were assumed to have been
instituted by God and nature. So ordered, the
family was seen as the secure foundation of
society and the patriarch's role as analogous
to that of God in the universe and the king
in the state. Women were continually instructed
that their spiritual and social worth resided
above all else in their practice of and reputation
for chastity. Unmarried virgins and wives were
to maintain silence in the public sphere and
give unstinting obedience to father and husband,
though widows had some scope for making their
own decisions and managing their affairs. Children
and servants were bound to the strictest obedience.
Inevitably, however, tension developed when
such norms met with common experience, as registered
in the records of actual households and especially
in the complexities and ambiguities represented
in literary treatments of love, courtship,
marriage, and family relations, from Shakespeare's King
Lear (NAEL 8, 1.1139), to Webster's Duchess
of Malfi (NAEL 8, 1.1462), to Milton's Paradise
Lost (NAEL 8, 1.1830), and more.
Religious and legal definitions of gender
roles and norms are proclaimed in the marriage
liturgy from the Book of Common Prayer (1559)
and in The Law's Resolutions of Women's
Rights (1632), both of which begin from
the Genesis story of Adam and Eve's creation,
marriage, and Fall. The marriage liturgy sets
forth the purpose of marriage as the Church
understood them, the contract of indissoluble
marriage ("till death us do part"),
and the biblical texts underpinning patriarchy,
solemnly advising the couple to live by these
norms. This, or a very similar ceremony, was
understood to solemnize the marriage celebrated
in Spenser's Epithalamion (NAEL
8, 1.907) and other marriage poems, as well as
virtually all the marriages represented in
English literature for the next three centuries.
The Law's Resolution was designed to collect
the several laws then in place regarding women's
legal rights and duties in each of her three
estates: unmarried virgin, wife, and widow.
The unknown author or compiler discusses, sometimes
in a remarkably ironic tone, the many disabilities
under which a married woman must live and the
new freedom enjoyed by the widow (who had supposedly
lost her "head" in losing her husband),
as well as the vulnerability of all women of
all ages and estates to rape. These discussions
illuminate the situation of the widowed Duchess
of Malfi in Webster's play.
These norms were also urged, and also modified,
in advice books dealing with specific family
roles and duties. A treatise on household government
by John Dod and Robert Cleaver (1598) elaborates
on and contrasts the duties of husband and
wife, setting up explicit parallels between
the household and the commonwealth. Gervase
Markham's book, The English Hus-Wife (1615),
outlines the woman's responsibility to
understand and administer medicines to her
family and to have perfect skill in cookery.
Richard Brathwaite's English Gentlewoman (1631)
focuses on virtues and activities pertaining
to women of the higher classes, drawing attention
to expectations of widows' chastity. Thomas
Fosset's tract on The Servant's
Duty (1613) spells out the assumption that
every relationship in society is founded on
hierarchy. In his Exposition of the Ten
Commandments (1604), John Dod asserts that
the primary duty of parents is to correct their
children with blows as necessary and that the
woman's particular duty is to nurse her
own child. Dorothy Leigh's often reprinted
advice book The Mother's Blessing (1616)
has quite different emphases: the need to bring
up children with gentleness and to give them
a good education. She also urges her sons only
to marry women they will love to the end and
to make their wives companions, not servants.
Actual
families and households departed in various
ways from the roles defined in such normative
texts. The household of the Sidneys of Penshurst
can be partly known through pictures — of
the prominent courtier Robert Sidney, Lord
Lisle, of their country estate Penshurst, and
of his wife Barbara and six of her children;
the eldest daughter in that portrait is the
poet and romance writer Lady Mary Wroth (NAEL
8, 1.1451). Also, a series of letters from Robert
to Barbara over two decades reveals a good
deal about their marital relationship, their
disagreements about educating the children,
and their economic difficulties. These materials
invite comparison with Ben Jonson's idealized
poem about this household, To Penshurst (NAEL
8, 1.1434). The household of the Sackvilles can
be partly known through the picture of Knole,
the country house of Richard Sackville, Earl
of Dorset, and his wife Anne Clifford, and
the great family picture of the Cliffords,
showing Anne as a girl of fifteen and as a
widow of fifty-six. Extracts from Anne's Diary of
1616–19 record some part of her long
legal struggle to regain lands she thought
due her from her father's estate, the harsh
opposition she met from the entire male court
establishment, her strained relations with
her husband over this matter, her maternal
feelings and activities, and the round of her
domestic life.
Some texts reveal direct challenges to, or
themselves challenge, the cultural norms defining
gender and household roles. A pair of texts, Hic
Mulier and Haec Vir (1620), call
attention to a controversy from the years 1615–20
over women wearing male attire; their title-page
engravings display the satirized fashions.
This controversy is related to the pamphlet
war during the same years over the hoary issue
of women's virtue and worth; Rachel Speght's Mouzell
for Melastomus with its revisionist interpretation
of the Genesis fall story, was probably the
only contribution by a woman. The truncated
biography that Lucy Hutchinson (NAEL 8, 1.1758)
wrote about her early life and the biography
of Elizabeth Cary written by one of her daughters
reveal how they resisted the usual restrictive
educative norms for women. Milton, in The
Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce and
three other treatises, directly challenged
the doctrine of indissoluble marriage and the
prohibitions on divorce, arguing the very radical
proposition that incompatibility should be
grounds for divorce, with right of remarriage.
Also during the upheavals of the Civil War
period, some women claimed voices in the public
sphere: in a petition to Parliament (1649),
Leveller women asserted some political rights
in the commonwealth; and Margaret Fell published
a rationale in 1664 for allowing women to testify
and preach in church, as Quakers often did.
|
 |